Mr Edwards will soon have the opportunity to recount that experience to British ministers. On August 26th he was named the government’s preferred candidate for the role of information commissioner, the national privacy regulator. Oliver Dowden, the culture secretary, intends to review Britain’s privacy law, with the aim of shifting it further from Europe.
Mr Dowden intends to reduce the volume of cookie pop-ups that greet users when they visit a new website . Guidance for academic research will be streamlined. More radically, the government wants to cut the compliance burden on small companies, and to allow data collected for one purpose to be used for another. Ministers want the office of the information commissioner to pay less attention to tackling low-level breaches.
At the same time, they hope to extend Britain’s own “adequacy” agreements to America, Singapore, South Korea and other places the, a lobby group, an updated data-protection rule book together with access to larger pools of data from around the world could make Britain marginally more attractive for research. But many companies have adoptedas their global default, so it will be hard for them to take advantage of any British divergence.
The European Commission knew this was coming. The adequacy decision it granted to Britain was intentionally rickety, collapsible at a moment’s notice if Britain weakens its data-protection law too much, strikes data-sharing deals with less strict countries or fails to co-operate with the commission’s inquiries. Unlike theThe British government stresses that its rules do not have to remain identical to the’s in order to be “essentially equivalent”.
And the decision depends as much on politics, both European and British, as on legal precedent. The credibility of the’s global privacy regime is at stake if a large, recently departed member can shred it without suffering consequences. Privacy hawks in the European Parliament distrust Britain’s security and immigration services and will demand a firm line.
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