Truth, lies and vengeance in the Public Protector’s office

, which found that the way she narrowed the scope of her investigation lacked “any logical or legitimate explanation”.

These two court cases have raised even more serious and alarming questions about the public protector — yet to be answered. We want to know why she raised in her Bosasa report a suspicion of money laundering when the FIC’s staff told her investigators that, on the information the Centre had, there was no indication of money laundering. And then, strangely, in her report, she refers to the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act instead of the Prevention of Organised Crime Act , which is the legislation that defines money laundering.

And why did the public protector seemingly discount so much evidence in her “rogue unit” investigation, as alleged by former acting Sars commissioner Ivan Pillay? Why is this apparent discounting of relevant evidence such a constant refrain in so many of the court cases challenging her reports — most recently raised by

But Baloyi’s allegations shore up the view that the protector’s motives are suspect. That’s because now, someone privy to the innermost workings of the office at the high level of COO is saying yes, the “rogue unit” and Bosasa investigations were “extremely unusual”. When approached for comment, the public protector commendably answered Baloyi’s allegations in record time. She said the number of people working on the Bosasa matter was reduced “due to the sensitivities involved”.

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