Photo: Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images Maybe we’re being haunted for our sins. The 2016 Democratic primary ought to be over, but it looks alive, or at least undead. Occasionally it moans: Medicare for All just isn’t reasonable and heartland voters love Aetna as a god. It usually shows up on Twitter, where all cursed thoughts go to holler. There, it recently sensed bait.
But policy matters. It mattered in 2016, too, despite a common pretense to the contrary. There was generally a push from the Clinton camp to present their candidate as the sensible but progressive alternative to Sanders. At their most dogmatic, Clinton surrogates spoke of Sanders as if he were the antithesis to identity politics and as if support for him betrayed feminism itself. “We can tell our story of how we climbed the ladder, and a lot of you younger women think it’s done. It’s not done.
The perspective Eisner aired had already shown signs of unholy new life. “I actually overheard someone saying, that I thought was an interesting point, that basically at this point if you are still supporting Sanders as opposed to Warren, it’s kind of showing your sexism,” Democratic strategist Emily Tisch Sussman recently said on MSNBC. It’s not.
It’s a strange notion, the idea that ideology and identity sit in separate boxes to be picked up or set down as someone sees fit. But they aren’t separate, which means they aren’t opposing forces, and one is never subservient to the other. Ideology and identity are wrapped up in each other, they shape each other, and this is as true for right-wing men as it is for left-wing women.
Politics had been nothing but interest based alliance since welfare state and dominance of economic function as the role for the state; and the attendant abandonment of its role as the seat of moralistic consensus snd authority
Well said, something to pounder upon
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