Blinken’s words may also be twisted to nurture the conspiracy theories frequently propagated by Moscow that popular dissent against Central Asian despots is inevitably an international plot for some sort of “color revolution” — referring to uprisings against pro-Russian rulers in Georgia and Ukraine that Moscow sees as foreign-instigated, rather than reflecting authentic displeasure with the regime.
Above all, Washington is in no position to do anything about the troubles in Kazakhstan. Americans are naturally sympathetic to people who stand up to autocrats, like those in Kazakhstan are doing, but the U.S. ultimately has little leverage in Central Asia. As illustrated by last year’s withdrawal from Afghanistan, long preceded by base closures in, the U.S. simply was never going to remain engaged in Central Asia. Russia will by dint of sheer geography.
The task before President Joe Biden now is to focus first on defending NATO countries from Moscow’s military coercion, and second to prevent further aggression against Ukraine if possible. Fortunately, Blinken’s recent comments weren’t typical of the Biden administration’s careful handling of Ukraine, in which it seeks to offer Russia reasons to back down from military action without conceding to its unreasonable demands.
We can’t know for sure under what circumstances Putin would decide to use military force against Ukraine. In fact, military action may already be a done deal, with his diplomatic demands a mere fig leaf to claim he attempted a diplomatic approach before sending in the troops; on the other hand, the buildup may be an elaborate and highly expensive bluff.
Per reports from Monday’s meeting, Biden’s offers involve prudent trade-offs. For example, he may agree to restrictions on offensive missiles in Europe that Putin fears could strike Moscow with short notice — but ask for Russia to withdraw its
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