A persecuted ethnic minority in their native Myanmar, some 700,000 Rohingyas were chased from their homes by the Burmese army and allied militias four years ago. Their accounts of rape, murder, and mutilation shocked the world. Yet the violence did not stop at the border. . The most powerful is the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army , a cross-border insurgency. for the assassination. The insurgents opposed Mr Mohib Ullah’s peaceful approach and tried to co-opt him, which he resisted.
Rohingya women have come under particular attack, as men—often linked to gangs or militias—try to impose conservative gender norms. When Nur , a young Rohingya woman, won a scholarship to university, men affiliated withfrom within her camp gang-raped her and then extorted money from her family, she says. They continue to harass her parents, insisting her father marries her off. He refuses.
Covid has made matters worse. Tight restrictions imposed on the camps by the Bangladeshi government have slashed the number of aid workers allowed inside. Bangladeshi forces still patrol the camps, including after dark, but their presence is patchy, says John Quinley of Fortify Rights, an advocacy group. They drive through the main road maybe once or twice at night, says the Rohingya woman. Many parts of the camps are inaccessible by road.
In the past reports of rising insecurity in the camps have been met with curbs on residents’ freedoms. In 2019 Bangladesh’s government banned refugees from owningcards and cut mobile-internet networks in the camps. At the start of 2020 it erected barbed-wire fences and watchtowers around them. Bangladeshi authorities have launched an investigation into the murder of Mr Mohib Ullah, and have arrested five suspects. The foreign minister has vowed to bring the killers to justice. Yet even as Rohingyas in the camps mourn Mr Mohib Ullah, some fear the fallout will be yet more restrictions on their lives.
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