Vladimir Putin’s sham re-election is notable only for the protests

, held between March 15th and 17th, has been known for weeks. Targets set by the Kremlin for regional authorities, which were leaked to Russian independent media, specified that the turnout should between 70% and 80% and that 75-85% of the votes should go to Vladimir Putin. Exit polls and early results suggested Mr Putin had in fact awarded himself 88%.

In another sense, however, the three-day voting procedure has presented a real contest—one between two images of Russia. On the one hand, the Kremlin employed tremendous coercion to create the impression of unanimous, enthusiastic support for the 71-year-old dictator. On the other hand, protests during the voting showed that the country harbours a great deal of pent-up resentment against Mr Putin and his usurpation of power.

At the same time, the Kremlin herded public-sector workers to the polls. Large state and private firms were instructed to use a workday to bring their employees to polling stations and to ensure they voted as instructed. Employees were told to vote at their workplaces, where they could be easily monitored, and to provide screenshots of their filled-in ballots.

In addition to such carrots, the Kremlin also wielded a stick. Alexei Navalny, the opposition leader who died in prison in the Arctic a month before the “elections”, had encouraged voters to all go to the polls at noon, and to vote against Mr Putin, spoil their ballot paper or simply show their opposition by lengthening the queue. The government warned that anyone who did so would suffer consequences.

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