Boris Johnson’s problem is himself. His most appealing political trait is his upbeat bullishness for his country, in contrast to a dour, defeatist British establishment that regards optimism as a mental defect.
Mr Johnson is finding out – as have successive Australian prime ministers – that modern politics is now transactional: it’s not authority gained from winning the last election, it’s on whether you can win the next one. Like Rudd, Abbott, and Turnbull, Mr Johnson is in most imminent danger from his own party, not a British Labour opposition still trying to shake off its crazed experiment with Jeremy Corbyn and his Marxist, anti-Semitic fringe.
Both fit Tory traditions. And British politics have historically swung between big government and small government, protectionism and free trade, collectivism and libertarianism, regardless of actual party in power. For all his blunders, Mr Johnson’s insight is that the pendulum is moving to the big government end, and spending to shore up the northern red wall he won in 2019. But he will have to battle against the financial and budgetary discipline of his Thatcherite wing to do this.
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