Portraits of Vladimir Lenin and Josef Stalin displayed at a gathering of Russian communists for the celebration of the 106th anniversary of the Bolshevik revolution. Photograph: Sergei Ilnitsky/EPAIn October 1962 I was just out of my teens and I thought I was going to die. I was not alone. TheThere were people who knew better. There were talks going on behind the scenes and after six days Khrushchev was seen to blink.
This archival material brings us from Stalin’s dominance, through the invasions of Czechoslovakia and Hungary, the Suez Crisis, the Vietnam War, the period of détente and the eventual demise of the Soviet Union to the arrival on the scene of Vladimir Putin. There was talk of bases on the Bosphorus, in the Dodecanese islands in the Mediterranean and even of a Soviet occupation of. The latter idea had been put forward by Maxim Litvinov, the commissar for foreign affairs. Litvinov’s ideas on Palestine may have stemmed from his Jewish background. At one time during his pre-revolution exile he lived with his sister in Belfast and taught in a Jewish school there.
There is a certain irony in the fact that Moscow and Beijing were at odds on so many issues when they were both under communist rule but now when China has remained nominally communist and Russia is nominally capitalist, the two countries have become friends. In the realist view of world affairs, of course, countries do not had fiends; they have interests.
This can be explained not only by his impetuous nature but also because he rose through the Communist Party ranks in the rough-and-tumble Yuzovka, a mining town later renamed Donetsk, in eastern Ukraine, where diplomatic niceties were seldom observed. Nato’s eastward expansion is shown as a big contributor to Putin’s changing attitude. When they met in Moscow in 1995 he described it to Bill Clinton as “nothing but humiliation for Russia”.
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