This article examines the story of Jho Low, a Malaysian fraudster who stole billions from his country's sovereign wealth fund and used his ill-gotten gains to infiltrate both the Obama and Trump administrations. It highlights the ease with which individuals with money and connections can exert influence in American politics.
The Malaysian fraudster who became an alleged Chinese spy didn't just steal billions from his country's sovereign wealth fund in one of the largest financial scandals in history—he managed to infiltrate both the Obama and Trump administrations, using money and charm to extraordinary effect. (Low, currently a fugitive, has said he was an intermediary for deals and denies wrongdoing.) These aren't old stories. They're warnings. Just last month, Frank White Jr.
, a key Democratic fundraiser for Barack Obama and one of Low's early connectors to Obama's sphere, quietly settled with the Biden administration to return $20 million tied to Low's fraud, though White Jr. denies he knew the unlawful source of the funds or did anything wrong. Pras Michel, the Fugees rapper turned political middleman, is expected to be sentenced in the months ahead for the role he played in funneling foreign money into American politics. Meanwhile, Donald Trump sits in the White House again, more embattled, more paranoid, and more financially exposed than ever. Ironically, Trump recently indicated he wants a sovereign wealth fund of his own. And this time, the doors are open wider than ever. Trump’s selling Bibles. He's running a memecoin. He’s making millions off the mugshot, off legal fights, and off the idea that he’s untouchable. His businesses are back in the game, his inner circle is smaller and more desperate, and every financial pressure on him has only intensified. If you had money and a reason to be near power in 2016, it was a good time to be in Washington. In 2025, it’s a gold rush. On the surface, Jho Low should have been an unremarkable figure—just another rich kid burning through cash in the world’s most expensive nightclubs. Instead, he revealed something profound about the soft underbelly of American power: With enough money and the right connections, you could burrow straight into the heart of Washington. Low’s entry point came through an unlikely alliance with Michel, who, in addition to being a member of the Fugees, is famous for the solo hit “Ghetto Supastar (That Is What You Are),” which featured Ol’ Dirty Bastard and Mya, and appeared on the soundtrack of Warren Beatty’s 1998 political satire Bulworth. In 2012, Michel started to reinvent himself as a political operator and had ambitions to become appointed as an ambassador, according to court testimony by one of his associates. The rapper had the connections Low needed—most crucially to White Jr., a DC-based businessman who testified that he was one of Obama’s top bundlers in his reelection campaign. For Low, access to American power wasn’t just about ego—it was about protection and survival. As his massive 1MDB fraud began to show cracks, he needed something to show his friends in Asia and the Middle East: proof that he wasn’t just rich, but connected to the most powerful government on earth. That kind of credibility could help him raise even more money from unsuspecting partners, blending business and politics in a way that would keep his scheme afloat. What he seemed to desperately want was a photo of himself with then president Obama. His first attempt failed spectacularly. After sending money diverted from 1MDB to Michel—who then gave it to friends to donate to Obama’s campaign—Low flew in from Singapore to a fundraising event, only to be turned away by campaign officials worried about his growing reputation for wild parties and excessive spending. Some of his associates attended in his place, but it wasn’t enough for Low. So he opened the spigots. As Michel testified, Low sent him some $20 million to become the “anchor” of an event at White Jr.’s house in DC. Michel again sent part of the money to contacts and friends, who donated to the campaign. But the Obama team again denied Low from attending; his father came in his place. But Low was nothing if not persistent. After the election, he paid White Jr. $20 million of stolen money for another shot at that coveted photograph—and this time it worked. Low secured an invitation to the White House holiday party, getting the photo he wanted. He hung copies of the image in all his houses and sent it out on Christmas cards around the world. Back in Malaysia, Abu Dhabi, Riyadh, and China—his main zone of focus—that image was worth more than any business deal. It was proof that Low wasn’t just another wealthy playboy; he was someone who could get things done at the highest levels of the American government. Soon after, he boasted that he used that influence to arrange for Malaysian prime minister Najib Razak to play golf with Obama in Hawaii after Christmas in 2014. What he didn’t mention is it came with a steep price: Just before the round, Low orchestrated a $69 million payment to White Jr.’s DuSable Capital, where the other partner was a former Obama official, Shomik Dutta. (Dutta was not implicated or faced any charges.) Last month, the Justice Department clawed back just $20 million from White Jr
Jho Low 1MDB US Politics Bribery Donald Trump Barack Obama Malaysian Fraud Money Laundering
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