Analysis: Musk may not need to worry much about alienating liberal car-buyers
by the state. I was able to replicate the numbers, pulling the same data and comparing it to 2020 presidential vote margins in each of the state’s 62 counties. Instead of simply ordering them, though, I created a scatter plot, showing how car ownership rates and 2020 margins compare.You’ll notice a few things. First, that Trump-voting counties are generally unlikely to have high rates of Tesla ownership. But second, that more-Democratic counties are not more-Tesla-owning ones.
But if we take our county-level data and bucket it into six groups of about 10 counties each, we can see how much more important income is than politics. The most-Democratic counties are more likely to own Teslas. But the wealthiest ones are far more likely to do so. This doesn’t mean it is rich Republicans buying the cars, of course. In both my and TBPInvictus’s analyses, we’re subject to the ecological fallacy: drawing conclusions about the residents of a county from broad characteristics of the county. It may be rich Republicans buying Teslas in heavily Democratic counties; it may be poorer Democrats buying them in more moderate ones. It’s hard to say.
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