OP-ED: South Africa: The upside-down world of Racial Capitalism and Black Lives Matter, Part 2

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The ANC’s Black Lives Matter is not a hypocrisy. It is much more than that. It is a defence. It is the second of the two ways in which the African rich seek to think well of themselves. It serves as a self-justification of otherwise intolerable actions and unthinkable greed.

This is a subject more properly dealt with by books, many books. This is true even when, as here, the focus is exclusively on the white Left. The absence of a black Left critique makes evident their concurrence with the positions of their white comrades.The first event began with a heated public debate in the build-up to the 1994 elections. At issue was the pay and perks given to the outgoing members of the apartheid Parliament.

This event needs closer unpacking. The African response will be deferred until the final section of this article. For now, what needs addressing is an outrageous accusation. The charge was against individuals whose commitment to the struggle against white racism was beyond question: they had not only devoted most of their lives to the Struggle but had risked their very lives as part of the Struggle.

Confirmation of this colour confusion brings us to the second of the two events. In 2003, as part of the government’s strategy of creating a black bourgeoisie, it “outsourced” one of its state-owned enterprises to a large British transnational corporation that, together with African owners, bought 51% of the enterprise. The now African-managed company was offering a 0.5% wage increase conditional on an increase in the working week from 40 hours to 45 hours.

The Left says little about this, and the SACP and Cosatu – the ANC’s formal allies – have done nothing in practice to challenge the mere transfer of class-defined benefits to the members of the government, or the ANC’s leading cadres, African businesses and African professionals. BEE claims the empowerment of all black people. One doesn’t expect the government to say anything about whether this is possible under capitalism.

There is an easy answer to why and how South Africa has now become the “broken society” spoken about in so many different ways and by so many different people. The answer is to invoke Fanon. Writing in 1961 about the then very new phenomenon of decolonisation, Frantz Fanon, in his celebrated, “of the post-independence black leadership that is perspicacious of today’s SA.

 

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