Furthermore, due to the decades of authoritarian rule, Tunisia has a top-down, distributive and mostly unaccountable institutional heritage, influencing the workings of many institutions, such as the bureaucracy, private sector, unions and even security forces. So far, Saied has not laid down any clear plans to tackle these structural issues.
The absence of a clear strategy also risks limiting the anti-corruption initiative to some high-profile cases and losing steam over time, as the Institute to Fight Against Corruption wasMoreover, consolidating the power in a single head can paradoxically embolden some corrupt practices in the future.
Under a hyper-centralised system, large corporations can more easily reach deals with the central authorities without the need to convince middle sources of power. This also relates to a central paradox in Saied’s hybrid democracy model, which assumes that the “general will” as represented by the President overlaps with the interests of individuals.to increase phosphate production contradicted the decades-long activism of environmental groups.
Due to the ambiguity of plans, some organisations, such as the Tunisian General Labour Union , which initially supported the president’s decisions, are now calling on him to declare a clear and schedule legislative elections. Although the Constitution clearly stipulates the conditions for ratifying laws, Saied may still choose to put the reforms on referendum without asking the parliament for ratification.
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